Youth unemployment rose sharply as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic and subsequent sector lockdowns in the UK and across the world with 18.5% of young people aged 15-24, unemployed across EU, 40% in Spain (European Parliament Study, 2021), and 14.9% in the UK (House of Commons Library, 2023). Although, the employment rates are showing some recovery, research shows that youth unemployment has delayed long-term negative impacts on future well-being, health and job satisfaction of individuals. It increases young people’s chances of being unemployed in later years and carry a wage penalty (Bell and Blanchflower, 2011). Young people (15-24 year olds) are also more likely to work part time, often not out of choice (Pay Rise Campaign 2015), are at higher risk of ‘in-work poverty’ (Hick and Lanau 2018), more likely to be employed in low-paid and insecure jobs (across OECD countries). In the UK, labour market disadvantage is coupled with the rising cost of higher education and crucially the tightening of social security conditionality through Welfare Reform (since 2012) which could be linked to a drop in eligible young people claiming welfare support (Wells 2018). A vast body of literature has emerged in the West on youth policies and the nature of welfare state (Esping-Andersen 1990; Taylor-Gooby 2004; Wallace and Bendit 2009; Pierson 2011). It, however, remains silent on the crucial question of devolution. This ESRC funded research examines the impact of devolution on welfare provision and the sub-state welfare regimes in the UK in the focused context of youth unemployment. The project is progressing in three phases (Wave 1: 2020-21 / Wave 2: 2022-23). Wave1 identified, categorised and compared scales and types of civil society involvement in youth unemployment policy between the three devolved nations of the UK: England, Scotland and Wales. In doing so examined the implications of these differences for both youth unemployment provision and devolved policy arrangements. It has provided an internationally salient analysis located in the global phenomenon of state reconfiguration, the emergence of sub-state welfare regimes and the adoption of welfare pluralism. The research found that devolved social policy in Scotland and, to a lesser extent, Wales goes some way to mitigating the work first policy approach emanating from Westminster. Crucial to this are the key points of convergence and contention between devolved (education) and non-devolved (welfare) areas of youth employment policy on the ground (Pearce and Lagana 2023). The way in which these key points of policy tension play-out in key institutional areas like Jobcentre Plus, is the focus of the second phase of project. Wave 2 focused on ground level sites of service delivery (2022-2023). Research shows that the policy structures and the perceptions of frontline staff about the policy provisions and people claiming them, shape the nature, attitudes and processes of service delivery, and have implications for service claimants and unemployment addressal (Cagliesi and Hawkes 2015; Fletcher 2011; Fletcher and Redman 2022; Rosenthal and Peccei 2006). This phase of project was a more in-depth, critical and comparative examination of the way policy plays out on the ground through a systematic investigation of the perspectives of frontline staff interacting with the young people, in the specific context of devolution. We interviewed frontline staff in England, Scotland and Wales to study how policy is perceived and translated on ground level at the sites of service delivery in these three devolved nations from the following five categories: 1). Work Coaches (Jobcentre Plus- All ages) 2). Youth Employability Coaches (Jobcentre Plus- Young People) 3). Additional Work Coaches (Youth Hubs) 4). Careers Wales / Fair Start / National Careers Service Advisers 5). Civil Society job advisers (CWVYS/Skills Development Scotland /Youth Employment UK) This research will continue to take advantage of the UK’s unique, asymmetrical devolved arrangements to address the identified gap in research examining youth (un)employment under devolved systems of governance. The broader aim is to critique the notion of 'one UK welfare state' and, in doing so, progress our understanding of the impact of decentralisation, devolution and territorial rescaling on welfare state formation across Western Europe.This research is important for three key reasons: (1) EU comparisons treat the UK as 'one welfare state' when in fact devolution in the four nations of the UK mean that this is not the case and, as yet, we know little about the differences in policy and civil society approaches to tackling youth unemployment between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. (2) It takes advantage of a valuable opportunity to compare policy divergences and create the first cross-comparative dataset on civil society activity in youth unemployment in the context of devolution. (3) It will tell us something new and different about what works and what doesn't work in policy and practice within and between four different policy contexts relevant to any country that has decentralised or devolved systems of welfare provision. Currently 17% of young people are unemployed across Western Europe. In the UK where around 5.4% people are unemployed, 16-24 year olds are nearly three times more likely to be out of work (12.5%). With dropping population wages -nearly £1,600 lower than five years ago- affecting young people in their twenties more (£1,800 lower), hard line austerity measures in the UK since 2010 affecting the cost of living and of wages, increase in precarious employment, the rising cost of further education coupled with welfare reform and tightening government provision for the unemployed means more young unemployed people are dependant on charity support; and civil society organisations are a crucial stop-gap in this scenario. Yet we know little about how civil society organisations operate within and between the four nations of the UK and even less about the effect that devolution is having on their role in youth unemployment. The study will address this gap in knowledge and show which elements of policy, practice and state-civil society relationships seem most effective, ineffective, productive and promising; and crucially, why. Recent UK central government policies to mitigate youth unemployment have focused on routes into work such as; 'widening access' programmes for universities, encouraging continued education, boosting apprenticeships and placing duties on local authorities to enforce these measures. However, approaches to delivery, scale and supplementation of these policies (e.g. through Work Experience schemes) varies and civil society or not-for-profit organisations, commonly termed the 'third sector', plays a role in balancing-out this variation. Some groups lobby government for better youth unemployment policy and provision, some work with government to shape and delivery policies and some provide additional services and resources for young, out of work people; but all, as research has shown, are likely to become both more important as the consequences of austerity measures and public sector cuts play-out and more divergent as devolution progresses. Understanding civil society involvement in youth unemployment relies heavily on the social and political contexts within which they are working. However, existing studies tend to treat the UK as 'one' welfare state when in fact devolution since 1998 has steadily eroded the accuracy of this. The UK has four different governments, four very different policy approaches to youth unemployment which means important differences between welfare provision and the role of civil society. The findings from this research will provide the first full picture of civil society's role in devolved youth unemployment policy and provision. The findings will also have implications for the UK's exit from the EU. Both Wales and Northern Ireland rely heavily on EU youth unemployment initiatives and funding. The extent to which this gap will be filled by the UK government remains unknown, but if funding decreases the role of the third sector in providing welfare for the young unemployed could become more important in filling an ever widening gap in welfare.

26 qualitative semi-structured interviews conducted online due to Covid-restrictions. Wave 1: Civil Society Representatives England: 6 Scotland: 2 Wales: 6 TOTAL: 14 Wave 2: Work Coaches England: 2 Scotland: 4 Wales 6: TOTAL: 12